Cry Me a River, Barbra.
A reply to Barbra Streisand's piece, published in The Huffington Post, entitled "The Sexism in American Politics.
I am not quite old enough to
remember the career of Ms. Barbra Streisand. I’m told it was once rather
impressive; she boasts a resume that glitters with the accumulated stardust of
decades.
I’m sure she has achieved much
that is worthy of respect. Gandhi probably did not say, of Western civilization, “I think it would be a good
idea,” but one would be justified in saying the same of meritocracy. It is more
concept than truth. Still, success is success and sustained success is a feat
of its own.
But it is an unfortunate foible
of our over-the-counter culture that a placement on the Billboard Top 100
grants, as an unofficial award, a platform from which celebrity may pronounce
and pontificate and hold court in the real world; an arena from which
celebrities are by definition removed.
So it is that I have long been
aware of Ms Streisand not as a singer and an actress but in her role as a
moonlighting political activist; a friend and supporter of the Clintons and a
donor to their Foundation.
All three roles were merged in a
paltry and patronizing piece in the Huffington Post, penned by Ms. Streisand,
under the title The Sexism in American
Politics.
The argument, for those who’ve
hitherto avoided exposure to it, can be fairly summarised as follows: Hillary
Clinton is disliked, sometimes viscerally so, because her critics are sexist
and cannot stomach the thought of a woman having power.
To quote Ms. Streisand directly: “There is no
one in this country who would deny the competence, intellect, stamina, warmth
and courage of Hillary Rodham Clinton... But the criticism of Hillary Clinton
has again demonstrated that the strong, competent woman is still a threatening
figure in our culture.”
That is a challenge I intend to
meet in due course. But first: I have never found this excuse to be anything
other than facetious. If I were a woman, living in the United States, I think I
would be fed up with the likes of Streisand, and the odious Madeleine Albright,
speaking at me in this tone of voice.
(Hillary Clinton’s dire performance amongst millennial women in
particular suggests that I would not be alone.) I think I would be fed up with
being told that policy and record and character are to be considered irrelevant
by presumption of merit earned and that Ms. Clinton deserves my vote because we happen share a gender.
As it is, I am a man living in
the United Kingdom. But I am morally certain that my opposition to the likely
Democratic nominee stems from something a little more substantive than my feelings
toward, shall we say, the female form and visage.
I am quite willing to concede the
broader, non-specific point about sexism in political discourse, but I was
surprised at the relatively innocuous nature of the examples cited by
Streisand.
“When MSNBC’s
Joe Scarborough tweeted she should, “Smile. You just had a big night,” should
we have been surprised? Hillary Clinton has a great smile and smiles often. So
does Barack Obama. So does Bill Clinton. But no one would tell those two men to
smile.”
This strikes me as ill-treatment
of an important issue. There are tropes and visualizations and dog-whistle
innuendos reserved exclusively for women in public life, to be sure. Donald Trump’s
spat with Megyn Kelly is perhaps the most prominent case (though Ms. Streisand
would have served her own purposes better had she cited his far more overt and
reprehensible response to Clinton’s late return to the ABC debate stage in
December). But to claim that something so innocuous as an injunction to smile
ranks amongst the worst cases of sexism in American life is to invite the
charge of over-sensitivity. Facile it may be, but it is no more severe or
degrading than Rubio’s ‘small hands’ quip against Trump, or the talk of John
McCain’s senility in ’08, or Hillary Clinton’s own suggestion (in the same
campaign year) that Barack Obama was too black to be president.
But these remarks, when made
about or against Clinton, are evidence of what Streisand believes to be “a pernicious double standard” to which
Ms. Clinton alone is subject. That may or may not be true, but if Streisand
believes that making women the subject of special standards is a bad thing then
perhaps she will consider advising her friend to avoid playing to that same
disparity in future. For it is not just Clinton’s allegedly sexist critics who
define her candidacy in terms of gender but also Clinton herself: it was
Clinton, not her critics, who deemed her womanhood to be more important than
policy during ABC’s Las Vegas debate.
“How,” asked
Anderson Cooper, “would you not be a
third term of President Obama?”
“Well,” Clinton
replied, grinning with arms outspread and a confident twinkle in the eye, “I think that’s pretty obvious.” Whoops
and cheers all around the room for that remark. Clinton went on to say that “Being the first woman president would be
quite a change from the presidents we’ve had up until this point, including
President Obama.”
Clinton is no stranger to this
sort of pandering to identity over policy and substance. Let no one claim she
is not a quick and studious learner: prolonged proximity to loathsome
manipulators like Dick Morris, friend of both Bill and Hillary and an infamous
race-baiter who exploited the identity-related fears of the white working class
during the first Clinton administration, has surely rubbed off.
But either women are different,
and thus subject to different standards, or they are not. Either Ms. Streisand
believes gender disparity to be a bad thing (in which case she disagrees with
the candidate she is supporting) or she does not. I should like to know which
view she intends to adopt.
If identity is to be treated as
the first of all issues then I should also like to ask Ms. Streisand how it is
that she finds herself defending someone who both defended and enabled what we
might charitably call the imposition – on Juanita Broaddrick, Kathleen Willey,
Monica Lewinsky and others - of Bill Clinton’s services to women. If we are permitted indignation by association,
I should like to know how she can support a candidate who supported DOMA and
Don’t Ask Don’t Tell and who claimed that the Reagans were good for LGBT
citizens. If identity is important, I should like to know how Ms. Streisand can
support a candidate who played the race card against Barrack Obama and whose
husband, not to mention many of her associates and employees and advisors, is a
Dixiecrat.
If, on the other hand, Ms.
Clinton is to be judged by the same standards as her peers and on, as Streisand
herself puts it, “the substance of what a candidate has to offer: his/her policies, his/her
agenda, his/her experience, knowledge and demeanor in dealing with world
leaders,” then surely she cannot complain
about the sexism of Clinton’s critics when they point out her compromising
connections to Wall Street, when they point to her botched healthcare reforms
(and the fact that hundreds if not thousands of lives in Bosnia were spent on
securing it coverage in the American media); when they question her links to
Big Pharma and Big Oil; when they look into the murky world of her financiers
and tremble with rage, and when they question her conduct and competency in the
office of Secretary of State and conclude that her oft vaunted experience is a
fortress built on sand. Surely Ms. Streisand would then understand our
non-sexist aversion to any candidate on good terms with Henry Kissinger, would
then appreciate our doubts about Ms. Clinton’s principles given that she
behaves as though she has none, would then share our ire at a candidate who
cynically exploits identity for personal gain.
Streisand says “We should stop being afraid of women, and meet them on a level playing field without resorting to name calling and sexist condescension.” Rest assured: We are more than happy to oblige. But Ms. Streisand should be aware that a level playing field does not free her preferred candidate from criticism. Far from it.
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